Where does United Russia’s victory leave the Russian parliament?

United Russia won 54.7 percent of the vote and will receive 343 seats in parliament.

United Russia won 54.7 percent of the vote and will receive 343 seats in parliament.

Sergei Fadeichev / TASS
Russia's four parliamentary parties have remained unchanged after the September 18 elections. The ruling United Russia party, which won a constitutional majority, strengthened its position and is effectively in full control of the parliament, the Duma.

"We know that life is hard for people, there are many problems, but nevertheless – the result is what it is," said Russian President Vladimir Putin on Sept. 18, congratulating the campaign headquarters of ruling party United Russia on victory after the announcement of preliminary election results.

The party, which is traditionally loyal to the president and the government (it is headed by Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev), can be more than satisfied with the result – it won by a landslide.

United Russia won 54.7 percent of the vote and will receive 343 seats in parliament. This is 105 places more than in the previous incarnation of the Duma – in 2011, United Russia got 238 seats. Now the party has a constitutional majority in the new Duma: It can pass laws and make changes to the constitution, even if the other three parties that entered the parliament are opposed.

How clean is United Russia's victory?

Long before Sept. 18, the authorities made it clear that they did not want a repeat of the 2011 parliamentary elections, which were marked by mass protests over vote-rigging.

The new head of the Central Electoral Commission (CEC), Ella Pamfilova, who took office in March 2016, stated that her task was to hold as honest elections as possible, so that there would be no doubt about the veracity of the results.

The CEC admits that there were indeed some violations in the Sept. 18 elections. The results of the voting at several polling stations have been canceled after the organizers were accused of ballot stuffing. Criminal proceedings have been initiated against the secretary of a precinct electoral commission in the Rostov Region over ballot stuffing. According to Pamfilova, each complaint about violations will be considered.

Experts disagree on the extent to which the CEC was able to secure fair elections. "There are violations, but their scale is not comparable to 2011," Dmitry Orlov, head of the Agency for Political and Economic Communications, an organization with Kremlin links, told RBTH. "These are isolated incidents, they should be specifically analyzed, this is not a wave."

However, political analyst Gleb Pavlovsky, president of the NGO Efficient Policy Foundation, believes that "administrative manipulation was [present] at all stages [of elections]." Pavlovsky is sure that not only was the result for United Russia overstated, but also the turnout (it was officially 47.8 percent).

The failure of the liberals

None of the 10 non-parliamentary parties were able to enter the new Duma or even overcome the three-percent threshold that allows them to count on government funding. Among the defeated were the liberal Yabloko and Parnas parties.

Mikhail Vinogradov, president of the Peterburgskaya Politika Foundation, believes that the reason for the defeat of the opposition Yabloko and Parnas parties is their inability to reach beyond the boundaries of their usual electorate.

"The parties like Yabloko fought for their voters, liberal-minded citizens, and did not try to win new voters – apolitical or pro-government ones," Vinogradov told RBTH. According to Vinogradov, this failed the opposition parties and did not allow them to attract new votes.

Alexander Pozhalov, deputy head of the Institute of Socio-Economic and Political Research, a think tank close to the Kremlin, notes that another weak point of Yabloko's campaign was its preoccupation with the figure of the party leader Grigory Yavlinsky.

According to Pozhalov, Yavlinsky, who founded Yabloko in 1993, gives the impression of a man of the past and cannot win over a new electorate.

Weak competitors

In addition to United Russia, the three parties that were in the previous Duma entered the parliament – the Communist Party (CPRF, 42 seats), the nationalist Liberal Democratic Party (LDPR, 39 seats) and A Just Russia (23 seats). Rodina and Civil Platform candidates, who ran in one-seat constituencies, as well as a self-nominated candidate (a former member of United Russia) got one seat each.

The parliamentary opposition effectively has no way to resist United Russia – a constitutional majority allows the ruling party to use the parliament as it wishes.

"A lot of the initiatives [in parliament] will be passed through without the support of the opposition parties," said Dmitry Orlov of the Agency for Political and Economic Communications. At the same time, he added that the Communist Party and the Liberal Democratic Party will act more strongly on many issues than before in order to emphasize their being in opposition and contrast to the ruling party.

All three of United Russia’s closest rivals saw disappointing results in comparison with 2011, but A Just Russia slumped dramatically than the rest. In the previous Duma, A Just Russia had 64 seats, but will get only 23 in the seventh. According to Orlov, A Just Russia has exhausted the potential that it had in 2011, when the party was the most opposition-minded among the parliamentary parties and attracted protest votes. "Now this protest is gone, and A Just Russia's electoral message was not very convincing this year," Orlov told RBTH.

Dominance or competition?

Some political analysts believe that the new parliament, which is dominated by United Russia, will be manageable and fully controlled by the Kremlin. Gleb Pavlovsky of the NGO Efficient Policy Foundation believes that the gaining of a constitutional majority "unties the authorities' hands even further."

"There remains a trend to eliminate all possible limitations on the authorities in the country," Pavlovsky told RBTH. He sees nothing positive in the results of the elections, arguing that the level of competence in the parliament, where an alternative point of view is practically non-existent, is in inevitable decline.

"The Kremlin today does not know anything about the country, because the Duma represents not the country, but only its own apparatus of power," Pavlovsky said.

Others argue that there will still be competition in the new Duma – not between factions, but between situational blocs of parliamentary deputies associated with the regions.

Alexander Pozhalov recalls the important role of the deputies who entered the Duma through single-seat constituencies. According to Pozhalov, many of the United Russia deputies who have been elected for the Duma in one-seat constituencies (203 out of 343 deputies) will orient not so much to the party's leadership as to the regions that nominated them.

"There were a lot of non-party people who ran as United Russia candidates in single-seat constituencies," said Pozhalov. "They are United Russia candidates, but they are not members of the party."

Pozhalov believes that the new Duma will be more influential in terms of representation of different areas and social groups, and it will provide political competition, especially when addressing the issue of the regions' budgets.

Gleb Pavlovsky agrees with this. "The Duma may cease to be manageable when the economic situation changes and a real impoverishment of the regions begins," he said.

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